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was a graduate of princeton prewar and during the war. buckley says yale is insufficiently respectful of religion despite its religious heritage and the heritage of most elite academia in america and also they don't present the free enterprise side of economics. they are too keynesian and quasi-socialist. rusher agreed with all of that, but i think the greater affinity with buckley can be seen and buckley and his brother-in-law rent facelle's 1954 book in which they say yeah mccarthy has been a little too rough. he has made some errors in judgment but that causes really, really important and he is being treated unfairly. that is exactly where rusher, that's exactly where russian is in 1954 and 55 and 56. in the years where he turns from generic young republican republicanism to hard movement conservatism. there was a bit of a conservative movement before buckley founded the "national review" in 1955 that it was sort of, it was disorganized. the polite term might be entrepreneurial individualistic. whittaker chambers had another way to describe it. he said it was people popping out like rabbits. y
sense is that regardless of culture, race religion try some commonality. these essential human truth compassion and hope some moral precepts are universal. just go and somebody is another variation he said in the speech that made famous in the 2004 keynote address at the democratic national convention in boston, where he said there's a red states blue states, but the united states. he presented himself as the personification of that notion. his presidency has been a rude awakening in terms of how far you can take that. so he has been dealing with that. the promise and frustrations of that idea ever sense. as i'm sure we'll both be experiencing the telephone calls, for the show. >> host: your book ends in 1989, "barack obama: the story." he said there's another volume coming? >> guest: added y2k committed to 40 years of robert caro, so assertive cat that on the down low, but i had every intention and i've done a lot of reporting that the later years, which influences the book even though they're not in it. and i don't want to do a quickie. i tried a rate for history documents coming o
and a woman who hated religion. >> unlike brooklyn, this place is going to be full of whites. this place is literally going to be dollywood. >> that's why i made that joke. >> this place is going to make dollywood look like howard university. this is going to be the whitest place in america. >> john: big albino troupe over there. >> it sounds like an episode of the walking dead. they're going to wait for the zombies to come. they will come. >> so white, swedish people will go there and go oh, they're in the neighborhood. >> the zombies might be the atf. >> john: give me a rule for your perfect society? >> i quite enjoy fish. not in reality. i'm more of a whaling -- i'm going extra white there. >> john: if you had your own culty commune, what would it be? >> first of all restaurants i want good restaurants. obviously they will be all over the place in glenn beck's lalapalooza land. i'm happy glenn beck is getting into the restaurant business because he's beginning to look exactly like guy fieri on diners dive-ins and dives. in my perfect america, it would take place in glenn beck's, in hi
. it defined their culture, it shaped their religion, it even shaped their individual personalities. so slavery was central to southern life. but slavery was also an institution, a form of property that contained a problem, a problem for the masters. this valuable form of property was capable of thinking, capable of yearning for freedom and capable of acting upon that yearning. joshua spieled, a kentucky friend owner who was a friend of abraham lincoln's, put it this way: slave property is unlike any other. it is the only property in the world that has locomotion with a mind to control it. and he went on to say that's why they were so sensitive about any outside interference with it. slave property was valuable, but control over it seemed tenuous. and the masters' fear about that fact left them convinced that their laborers could be kept controlled and work profitably only if they were kept uneducated, uninformed, isolated from dangerous influences, closely watched, intimidated and convinced that or tear status as -- that their status as slaves was permanent and up changeable. unchangeable. to
protects the people's rights of freedom of speech, freedom of press, free exercise of religion, free trade agreement of association and all other such rights of the people. my second amendment advances the fundamental principle of political equality for all by empowering congress and the states the right to regulate political spending. it will allow congress to pass campaign finance reform legislation that will withstand constitutional challenges. mr. speaker, we need to empower people, not corporations or big money special interests. our current system has been corrupted. it undermines the rights of ordinary citizens. it undermines our democracy. surely this is not the system our founders envisioned. the preamble to the constitution is we the people. let us hope that this congress doesn't forget that. i ask my colleagues to join me in supporting these important bills to reform our campaign finance laws and assure that corporate rights do not trumps people's rights. thank you. i yield back the balance of my time. the speaker pro tempore: the gentleman yields back the balance of his time. t
of religion. and so we have this enormous, tragic history that all of us confront from whatever our backgrounds are whether we're white, black, hispanic, asian, whether we're muslim, jew or christian. the notion that, in fact, in the words of a great writer who happened to win a nobel prize, william faulkner, he said the past is never dead and buried, it isn't even past. and i think that all of us are confronting constantly our history. we're confronting the history of slavery in this country. we're confronting the history and problems that arose as a consequence of colonialism. we're confronting those scars of violence and oppression and struggle and difficulty and hope not only on the larger canvas of history, but also within our own families. and for me it was not entirely obvious how, in fact, i was going to be able to integrate and pull together all those different strands in my life. so part of my challenge growing up was to figure out how do i function as someone who is black but also has white blood in me, how do i function as somebody who with is american and takes pride an
: amendment 1, congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government to redress of grievances. amendment 2, a well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. amendment 3, no soldier shall in time of peace be quartered at any house without the consent of the owner nor in time of war but in a manner to be prescribed by law. mr. goodlatte: i yield to the gentleman from kentucky, mr. barr. mr. barr:amendment iv the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. amendment v no person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous cri
. king says, regardless of nationality, race or religion to admit our wrongs and turn from them. i believe that the denial of the right to life is the greatest injustice we face in the world today. there is no compassion in killing, she sails. there is no justice in writing people out of the human race. history, mr. speaker, will not look favorably on today's abortion culture. we must indeed and instead work tirelessly to replace it with a culture of life. i would like to now yield to my good friend and colleague, macha blackburn, for such time as she may consume. -- marsha blackburn, for such time as she may consume. mrs. blackburn: thank you, mr. speaker, and i thank the gentleman from new jersey for the excellent work that he continues to do year in and year out on this issue. i appreciate his leadership and we do stand today and mark the 40th anniversary of the tragic roe v. wade decision and it really is said that not all life is created equal. and since the supreme court gave our government's approval if you will of on-demand abortion, there have been over 55 million lives lo
Search Results 0 to 7 of about 8

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